ADA @ada_mash

The minute the west stops supporting the regime it will fall. It's just that easy.

ايران اينترنشنال @IranIntl

7 hours ago

بنیامین نتانیاهو، نخست‌وزیر اسرائیل، در گفت‌و‌گو با شبکه سی‌ان‌بی‌سی گفت: «نمی‌توان دقیقا پیش‌بینی کرد چه زمانی رژیمی مانند جمهوری اسلامی سقوط می‌کند. در چند مورد هم پیش‌بینی نشد؛ نه در رومانی و نه در سقوط دیوار برلین. هیچ‌کس آن را پیش‌بینی نکرد، اما رخ داد. چرا؟ چون شکاف‌ها در

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Discussed the latest developments in Operation Economic Fury with @i24NEWS_EN. The primary leverage the U.S. holds in this campaign is the physical enforcement of the maritime blockade choking off Tehran's revenue.

من از گرایش جنسی چیزی نگفتما هوش مصنوعی خودش فهمید 🫣

Iran’s seabound export of crude oil in May:0 Iran’s seabound exports of naphtha in May: 64 kbpd That is all. Only 4 small tankers managed to bypass the blockade. Keep the blockade, bomb the regime, use military force to reopen Hormuz. That is the way.

BREAKING NIUS: Felix Banaszak hat es geschafft, Steuern zu hinterziehen, obwohl er noch nie gearbeitet hat. In den letzten Tagen hat er übrigens gefordert: Übergewinnsteuer, Vermögenssteuer und höhere Reichensteuer.

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Another day, another name, another Iranian. The criminal regime of the Islamic Republic has executed Fathollah Avari, another brave soul among those arrested during the Lion and Sun Revolution. These executions are a continuation of the regime’s policy of revenge, and a sign of its fear of a nation that has risen to reclaim Iran. The leaders of the Islamic Republic, the commanders and agents of repression, the judges of death, and all those involved in the machinery of execution and killing of the Iranian people must know that they will be held accountable and punished. We will not forget the name of Fathollah Avari, who gave his life for our homeland.

Reza Pahlavi Communications @PahlaviComms

8 hours ago

روزی دیگر، نامی دیگر، یک ایرانی دیگر. رژیم جنایتکار جمهوری اسلامی، فتح‌الله آوری، یک دلاور دیگر از بازداشت‌شدگان انقلاب شیر و خورشید را اعدام کرد. این اعدام‌ها ادامه سیاست انتقام‌گیری و نشانه ترس رژیم از ملتی است که برای بازپس‌گیری ایران برخاسته است. سرکردگان جمهوری اسلامی،

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هم‌میهنان در ایران با هدف نمایش ناتوانی، سردرگمی و فروپاشی اقتدار رژیم به کارزار «ایران ارث پدری ماست» پیوسته‌اند. ویدئوهای ارسالی شهروندان، ناتوانی رژیم در دفن علی خامنه‌ای را دستمایه طنز قرار می‌دهد: نماد آشفتگی و درماندگی رژیم که حتی توان مدیریت نمادهای قدرتش را هم ندارد.

الشعب الكويتي العزيز، إن أي ضرر أو أذى يصيب جيران إيران هو موضع حزن وأسف لدى الإيرانيين. إن نظام الجمهورية الإسلامية هو نظام إجرامي، ويجب أن ينتهي في أقرب وقت حتى يعود السلام والصباح إلى الشرق الأوسط.

Iranian patriot, Fathollah Avari has been murdered by the Islamic Republic terrorists by means of execution. The Islamic Republic will not stop murdering people inside and outside of Iran, unless it is eliminated. You don't negotiate with terrorists. You kill them. #JavidShah #IranMassacre @POTUS @realDonaldTrump @SecRubio @netanyahu

If these degenerates are endorsing you: We are not interested :)

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نکته درستیست. امروز دیدم یکی از دارودسته پادشاهیخواه‌نماهای کلّاش سپاه‌پرست از لزوم به توپ‌ بستن شاهزاده صحبت کرده. طبق معمول تعدادی از افرادی که خیلی هم‌ مثلا پادشاهیخواهند طرف را دنبال می‌کردند.

Vahid Bahman وحید بهمن @vahid__bahman

a day ago

واقعا شرم‌آور و غیر قابل پذیرش‌ست که کسانی با ادعای میهن‌پرستی و پادشاهی‌خواهی، تخریب و توهین کنندگان به خاندان پهلوی، بویژه شاهزاده رضا پهلوی را در شبکه‌های اجتماعی دنبال کنند. کمترین هزینه برای تخریب و توهین کنندگان، باید انزوا و طرد شدن از بین میهن‌پرستان باشد. #پاينده_ایران

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@Farlouni Ein eingeschworener Zirkel ist das.

Und wieder ein Buch mit dem Begriff „Teheran“ im Titel, das von Asal Dardan übersetzt wurde. Übrigens übersetzt Dardan die Bücher immer nur aus dem Englischen. Sie spricht schlecht Persich und kann es weder lesen noch schreiben. Nach der letzten Übersetzung, bei der klassische Reformer‑Propaganda unter dem Deckmantel einer authentischen Erzählerin aus dem Iran (Nila) in unerträglich kitschigem Stil präsentiert wurde, folgt jetzt ein Buch, bei dem es primär um das Anti‑Kriegs‑Narrativ geht. Das Vorwort stammt diesmal von Gilda Sahebi, also einer der Iran‑Aktivisten, die konsequent alle „Javid Schah“-und „Pahlavi kehrt zurück“-Rufe zensiert. Natürlich schreibt unser Scharia‑Freund Omid Nouripour dazu die passende positive Rezension, als ob er es gelesen hätte 🤡. Mullah‑Propaganda‑Bücher scheinen aktuell total angesagt zu sein.

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Nilou @Farlouni

2 weeks ago

Im Deutschlandfunk-Kultur-Podcast wird die Autorin Asal Dardan am 2.2.2026 zu dem Buch „Auf den Straßen Teherans“ interviewt. Dardan ist die Übersetzerin des Buchs, das angeblich von einer Autorin im Iran geschrieben wurde, die, weil sie „aus Sicherheitsgründen“ anonym bleiben

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Warum „Lügenfritz" erlaubt ist und warum die Strafjustiz hier schon wieder patzt Wer den Bundeskanzler „Lügenfritz" nennt, übt zugespitzte politische Kritik. Das ist der Kern der Meinungsfreiheit. Art. 5 GG schützt gerade die scharfe, polemische, auch überspitzte Äußerung, und im Streit um Machtfragen gilt die Vermutung für die freie Rede. Politiker müssen mehr aushalten als jeder andere, nicht weniger. Wer Kanzler wird, hat sich der Kritik zu stellen, nicht den Staatsanwalt zu schicken. „Lügenfritz" ist ein Werturteil. Und an Wortbruch-Vorwürfen, Wahlkampfposition hier, Regierungshandeln dort, herrscht kein Mangel. Ein Werturteil mit tatsächlichem Anknüpfungspunkt im politischen Meinungskampf ist geschützt. Die strafrechtliche Bewertung ist gleich mehrfach falsch. Falsches Tatbestandsmerkmal. § 188 StGB verlangt, dass die Tat geeignet ist, das öffentliche Wirken erheblich zu erschweren. Begründet wird stattdessen, die Äußerung „schüre Aggressionen" und „erschüttere das Vertrauen in die Integrität". Das ist nicht § 188. Dass ein einzelner Facebook-Kommentar das Wirken eines Mannes erheblich erschwert, der täglich Talkshow, Pressekonferenz und Bundestag bespielt, ist rechtlich abwegig. Umgedrehter Kontext. Die Staatsanwaltschaft räumt selbst ein, die Kommentare hätten sich im politischen Thread „hochgeschaukelt". Genau das, Sachbezug und hitzige öffentliche Debatte, spricht nach der Schmähkritik-Dogmatik des Bundesverfassungsgerichts für die Zulässigkeit der Bezeichnung. Hier wird es zum Belastungsmoment verbogen. Willkür. „Pinocchio" und „Lügen-Kasper" eingestellt, „Lügenfritz" verurteilt, „Lackaffe" für 100 Euro erledigt. Drei Amtsgerichte, drei Ergebnisse, ein Sachverhalt. Wo Gleiches derart ungleich behandelt wird, wird nicht Recht gesprochen, sondern gewürfelt. tagesspiegel.de/politik/umstri…

Former Director David Barnea was a true friend of the Iranian people. Under his strong leadership, many of the darkest servants of the regime and the most vicious enemies of the Iranian nation met their end. For that, we Iranians are deeply grateful, and we look forward to welcoming him to a free Iran in the near future.

Amichai Stein @AmichaiStein1

2 days ago

Speaking at his farewell ceremony, outgoing Mossad Director David (Dadi) Barnea stated: “A change of regime in Iran is both a realistic and attainable objective. It is a mission within our reach, though it will undoubtedly demand determination, perseverance, and steadfast

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When I heard the news of the first doctors being detained during the #LionAndSunRevolution, I asked a neurosurgeon w a major SoMe platform to help highlight their situation specially since there was a neurosurgeon among them. Sadly, he did not think what he did would help & couldn't believe doctors would be detained for doing their job! It is incomprehensible to many, how atrocious the IRI regime acts. That's why we do all we can to highlight their heinous acts and hold international community responsible for not taking action. @ardavank @arvinkhoshnood sciencedirect.com/science/articl…

As Iranians slowly reconnect to the world following the world's longest internet blackout, new footage from the Lion and Sun Revolution is coming out. Protesters chant "Long Live the Shah (King)!" Rasht, Gilan Province, Iran January 8, 2026

2. But why has there been such a deep reluctance to accept these costs? Part of the answer lies in the mistaken belief that this is not America’s war. This idea, long popular on the political left, now has strong supporters in the president's inner circle, who view the conflict strictly as Israel’s fight. This mindset has done immense damage. For years, America relied heavily on Israeli intelligence regarding Iran. Once the narrative took hold that Israel was merely trying to drag America into a regional war, that vital channel of understanding was compromised and discredited. The administration is now at the end of this road. Nearly eight weeks have passed since the ceasefire, and the desired outcome remains out of reach. The regime in Tehran views the coming fall as a finish line it must cross at any cost. With the American midterm elections only 22 weeks away, time is actively working against President Trump. Because of this, the regime will use every available opportunity to stall. In this climate, a few distinct possibilities lie ahead. The first is that the regime offers a superficial concession, giving the US a victory lap, perhaps by showing unexpected flexibility on the nuclear issue. This is highly unlikely. The surviving leadership needs to build legitimacy among its loyalists, and in the current climate, that legitimacy can only be forged through radical anti-Americanism. Furthermore, Tehran has no interest to help the current administration survive the critical juncture of the midterm elections. The second possibility is that the US simply continues down its current path without a deal, attempting to shift the public's focus to domestic issues. This choice would be disastrous, carrying horrifying consequences for America's credibility on the global stage. Moreover, the regime will not sit idly by; they will do everything in their power in the coming months to ensure the Democrats win. It is hard to believe the political establishment is blind to this danger. What remains is a return to the military option, making renewed conflict seem inevitable. However, initiating a new phase of war requires the right window of opportunity and a clear answer to a fundamental question: how will the strategy change to achieve a different result? From where I stand, the option of relying on the Iranian people has been discarded. Instead, the dominant voice in Washington now advocates for sheer brute force. The proposed plan is to strike Iran's infrastructure in the hope that the regime simply surrenders. This approach carries immense consequences for the Iranian people, and we know it will not actually force a surrender. Escalating the war in this manner could also expand the regime's retaliation. Striking the oil facilities of neighboring nations could trigger a massive spike in global oil prices and a devastating energy crisis. If the United States possessed a clear understanding of Iran, its society, and the unyielding will of Iranian people, it would immediately put the option of supporting the Iranian people back on the table. It has been 47 years since the Islamic Republic seized power, and for over 25 of those years, the West has been trapped in endless nuclear negotiations. It is abundantly clear that this diplomatic path will never yield a real solution. The only true and lasting option is regime change, driven by the Iranian people themselves. To achieve this, the United States must place its full faith in the citizens of Iran. The strategy must be precise and bold: strike the very head of the regime, dismantle the state propaganda machine of the IRIB, and eliminate the Basij night checkpoints and gathering centers. With the regime's suppression forces crippled, Washington should look to Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi to call for a national uprising, committing to protect the people in the streets with definitive air support. It is glaringly obvious that any other path will only lead to a far more catastrophic outcome.

1. At this moment, there is no perfect option on the desk of president Trump. This predicament is the direct result of the path chosen during the latter half of the recent conflict. From the very beginning, the war was caught in a web of political ambiguity because America’s true objective was never fully clear. On one side, the widespread massacres in January and the administration's initial support for the Iranian people essentially forced regime change onto the agenda. On the other side, the sweet taste of an easy victory in Venezuela, combined with the bitter memories of the Iraq war, convinced leadership to try and preserve Iran's existing political structure. The hope was to find a pragmatic figure within the system who could simply change the country's macro policies. The war began while the administration was trapped between these two entirely contradictory goals. It was clear from the start that these two paths could not be walked at the same time. Helping the Iranian people overthrow their government requires dismantling the regime’s machinery of power. The second option, however, depends on keeping that machinery intact. Anyone who might sign the agreement the United States desires would need a functioning power structure to force that deal upon the rest of the regime. During the first half of the war, the United States and Israel successfully weakened the regime's offensive capabilities, culminating in the elimination of the supreme leader. The United States gave Israel the freedom to target military bases, police stations, and the command centers of the suppression forces. By mid-March, this campaign had expanded to target street-level Basij checkpoints. Following this trajectory, it was easy to imagine a moment when the Iranian people could be told that the skies were secure, encouraging them to take to the streets and finish the regime themselves. We do not know exactly what happened in the final week of March, though we can certainly guess. That was the turning point when those who favored preserving the regime’s structure seemingly gained the upper hand in the US cabinet. They managed to convince President Trump that overthrowing the government through a popular uprising was an impossible dream. The clearest sign of this shift was the sudden halt of nighttime strikes on Basij street checkpoints, a pause requested by the US administration. The president's tone shifted simultaneously. When asked why the Iranian people were not rising up, President Trump no longer said the people were being told to stay home. Instead, he framed their presence in the streets as an impossibility, stating that while the people of Iran are brave, they are not crazy, and they will not walk into certain death. While this might sound like a respectful acknowledgement of a people who have suffered tens of thousands of casualties, it actually denies them their only avenue to express their will. It dismisses the very power of their demands. From that moment, the war turned into an exercise in managing the battlefield, hoping a figure like the current speaker of the parliament might step forward to sign a deal. We know this has not happened, and it will not happen in the way Washington hopes. The regime, which spent years deceiving Western diplomats with the illusion of moderates fighting hardliners, has now managed to deceive the US vice president with a new illusion: the pragmatic against the ideological. This deception has effectively led the United States down a strategic rabbit hole. The recent ceasefire arrived exactly when the strategy of the war's second half hit a dead end. It was obvious that continuing on the same path would bring no new results. The administration had to decide if it was willing to accept higher risks and costs.